A lot of discussions about this topic center around celebrities and their tendency to seek publicity until they get too much of it. Most of us don't feel too sorry for them, because they sort of "made their own beds and should have to sleep in them." Sometimes, this argument is hard to counter, because so many young Hollywood types, in particular, really do bring it on themselves (Paris Hilton comes to mind, who is famous just for being famous by her own tactics of seeking publicity). But many celebrities don't appreciate paparazzi intrusions, whether in public areas or otherwise. Celebrity status earned because you are a fine actor or popular politician, for instance, does not automatically invite intrusions of privacy by the media. Moreover, paparrazi, in particular, have become more and more bold over the years and have sometimes caused mayhem and physical and mental danger to their subjects. But doesn't the press have a right, under Article 1 of the Constitution, to report on newsworthy people in this way? Not always.
There are competing legal issues at stake: the Constitutional rights of free speech (and freedom of the press) vs. an individual's privacy rights. Rights to privacy are not specifically delineated in the U.S. Constitution, but the courts have repeatedly "found" those rights in various passages, and certain kinds of privacy are now considered defacto rights. But laws and regulations are not guided only by the U.S. Constitution; they are also informed by state Constitutions, state statutes, legal scholarship, and court precedents. Some of these will be discussed shortly.
Let's get a common misunderstanding out of the way. The notion that the freedom of press and freedom of speech rights are inalienable, or not subject to regulation or limitation, is incorrect. We all know, for instance, that courts routinely bar the press from legal proceedings or impose gag orders, because, even though potentially newsworthy, the right of a defendant to a fair trial could be compromised by the exercise of these rights. Constitutional rights are always relative -- they are granted as equitable rights, meaning that you have them if they don't impinge on the rights of others. Similarly, you can't legally holler "fire!" in a crowded movie theater when there is no fire, and you can't say the word, "bomb" in an airport in the absence of a bomb. Most people would not argue that these limitations are inappropriate. So, then, is it equally appropriate to regulate the media's rights as they relate to covering celebrities and other public figures? Certainly.
The courts have routinely recognized personal privacy rights for all citizens, whether they are public figures or not. However, they have also understood the unique nature of entertainment celebrities, and their tendency to seek publicity. Because of this difference between the famous and the non-famous, remedies at law are much harder to come by for celebrities; the fact that they often seek celebrity status and media coverage makes it harder for them to claim unwarranted intrusion, and the media has a greater case that the coverage is "newsworthy." Those that don't seek the attention in public, or are hounded to such a degree that they feel threatened, however, have some legal protection, thanks in part to Jaqueline Kennedy Onassis.
Without going into a lot of specifics, Onassis and her children were relentlessly followed, photographed and otherwise hounded by a man named Ron Galella, who believed that the minutia in the lifestyle of the Onassis family was newsworthy. In Galella v. Onassis, 487 F.2d 986 (2d cir., 1973), the court determined that Onassis and her family had a right to privacy that was being infringed upon by the activities of Mr. Galella. Specifically, he was enjoined from "approaching her within a distance of 25 feet or her children within a distance of 30 feet." In their ruling, the court recognized that the right to privacy includes:
"a general right to be left alone, and to define one's circle of intimacy; to sheild intimate and personal characteristics and activities from public gaze; to have moments of freedom from the unremitted assault of the world and unfettered will of others in order to achieve some measure of tranquility for contemplation or other purposes, without which life loses its sweetness."Moreover, every state has statutes that govern the right to privacy. In most instances, the privacy rights fall into four categories that were taken from the Second Restatement of Torts, a scholarly legal treatise relied upon by the courts. Invasions of privacy are: 1) intrusion into solitude, 2) public disclosure of private facts, 3) depiction in a false light, and 4) commercial exploitation of a person's name or likeness, also called appropriation.
Upset celebrities rarely litigate based upon either Galella or privacy statutes, most likely because the paparazzi activity generally occurs in public places (where the expectation of privacy is not assumed), or the photos or other coverage of their private property activities is done from a distance (with telephoto lenses or helicopters, for instance). This latter method of gaining access to the private goings-on of famous people has yet to be examined by the courts. Entering the private property of an individual is a clear violation of both privacy statutes and trespass laws, but gaining images from public areas through the use of long lenses does not fall neatly under the statutory prohibitions. More often than not, celebrities who sue over these kinds of intrusion do so under copyright infringement laws (similar to the fourth invasion of privacy tort listed above) -- the unlicensed use of their copyright-protected images for financial gain.
It is also probable that celebrities who don't seek media exposure understand that the paparazzi are supplying the demand of the public for "the skinny" on them. Thus, even if they feel intruded upon, complaining about or litigating these intrusions may cause damage to their reputations of being responsive and appreciative of the public's adoration. Probably a powerful inhibition for most of them.
On a final note with regard to celebs, many have suggested that stalking laws be changed to cover the activities of papparazi -- particularly after both the Princess Diana episode and, more recently, the relentless and damaging hounding of Britney Spears. Stalking laws, however, are criminal statutes (privacy laws are civil) designed to prevent offenders from threatening harm or causing fear of harm in their victims. Paparazzi routinely and successfully deny these intentions. California legislators have recently tried to change the California Code to expand these laws such that the intent of the "stalker" to cause fear is not required to be proven, so long as the "victim" experienced fear. Although public support has been rising, it does not appear that they have passed any such changes to the stalking statutes, yet.
Who among us has not winced at the poor judgment of media who camp out on the lawns of folks who are the survivors of murder victims, or missing children, or other people who had no intention of being public figures, but got thrust into the position? What about regulating the media's access to these poor souls? Well, again, there are existing trespass laws, and I suspect that if they knew about it, many could avail themselves of the protections afforded by Galella, at least when they are in public places. These people are newsworthy, even if they don't want to be, but the media really ought to have more compassion than to rest their laurels on First Amendment rights to hound this brand of public figure. That's just common decency, and viewers and readers ought to complain about these media excesses (market forces can be powerful controls, no?).
So, then, the media are and should be regulated in their coverage of celebrities and public figures, the same as they are and should be in their coverage of ordinary citizens. It's nothing more than a balancing of rights. When they violate privacy rights by trespassing, legal protection is available to the victims. To the extent that the media relentlessly follow celebrities in public places and report on their activities, the Galella precedent is available to those public figures who feel their privacy rights are being violated in the way the Onassis family's were. Otherwise, they should just put up with market forces or stay home.
5 comments:
Both of you make valid points, which makes it difficult for me to choose sides. On one hand I agree with Reed that if people have used the media to gain their celebrity status in the first place it seems unfair to decide that at times they want the attention, and at other times they don't. The media should not be required to read minds. But there is also a common decency element which is difficult to regulate legally. We all enjoy seeing the stars on the red carpet and they enjoy being there. Many are photographed going to fancy bars and restaurants with a new love interest. We, the public, tend to get a kick out of watching these same people stagger drunkenly out of the said bar several hours later, but there is a point when a celebrity's bad decision becomes pathetic and out of control and thus for me, at least, not entertaining anymore. At this point I begin to feel voyeristic and embarrassed to be watching as people like Britney fall upart before our eyes. It is a fine line I know, but maybe if we quit watching at some point the photograpers would learn to draw a line somewhere. Like children in time out, they can be taught...I think.
Valerie, thanks for the comments.
What about the fact that there are regulations in place, that celebrities do NOT avail themselves of (like the Galella case I wrote about)? I wonder why they don't use that case for their own protection, and mentioned the possibility that they don't want to offend the public by appearing to be ungrateful for publicity. What ever happened to "any publicity is good publicity," even if it's because they filed a lawsuit against the paparazzi?
A very interesting argument, partner. I decided to go back and research Galella myself and found some startling things.
First, you and I are not the first to have this debate in an open forum. The New York Law Journal of September 22, 1997, featured a debate between attorneys Martin London and James Goodale, titled "Greater Legal Restrictions on the Paparazzi?"
Surprisingly, Martin barely mentions Galella in his defense of greater restrictions. But Goodale cites it repeatedly in arguing against such restrictions. His argument is based on the fact that Galella's atrocious behavior was in fact criminal, and thus the First Amendment was not a factor in his arrest or in the findings of the courts.
Based on the ruling of the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals in 1973, I tend to agree, and that was my argument in the original post. Public figures are as protected as anyone else from "criminal" or "tortious" behavior.
The punishment you describe that was conveyed upon Galella actually was a modification of the original court order which was much stricter. In Galella's appeal, which found mostly for Ms. Onassis, the court did say that, "relief must be tailored to protect Mrs. Onassis from the 'paparrazo' attack that distinguishes Galella's behavior from that of other journalists; it should not unnecessarily infringe on reasonable efforts to 'cover' defendant."
I think there may be better precedent than Galella to make your point. Check out www.jamesgoodale.net/images/115.doc for that 1997 debate.
Reed,
Yeah...I know Galella wasn't about freedom of the press; I used it to illustrate the courts' attitude about the right to pivacy (and clearly, Galella violated those delineated rights). As you point out, and I think I did as well, paparazzi that break the law in public or on private property are already subject to legal sanctions -- but I wonder if the real problem isn't the media's seeming inability to stay within the law while doing their Constitutionally protected work. If they can't be safe and sane in their coverage, why shouldn't there be restrictions on them?
I find it interesting to talk with people who hold very dogmatic views about the "finality" of the Constitution. The problem with the fundamentalist view, in my opinion, is that, even for these folks, it only sometimes applies.
To take the point to an extreme, for instance, the Constitution guarantees me the right to bear arms, but the law says I can't do it openly, can't do it in a bar, in a school, in an airport, in a courthouse...well, you get the point. The Constitution allows no such prohibitions on one's right to bear arms, just as it allows no restrictions on the right of free press. These restrictions on my right to bear arms have something to do with a general failure of human self-control or morality, and are appropriate for the protection of the various rights of others. I see regulating the media in a similar light -- regulation CAN BE appropriate for the balancing function it serves.
Reed,
I've read the New York Law Journal piece you cited, and have the following comments:
1) The NY Law Journal piece is specifically regarding the state of New York Common Law (a point made clear by Martin's essay)...Martin's point being that New York, unlike the other 49 states, did not have proper laws regarding protection of the right to privacy.
2) Goodale's position, that existing criminal laws protect celebrities, was based entirely on his assertions relating to the Princess Diana death incident and the celebrity outcry for stricter controls on paparazzi. His points were that the driver of Diana's car was drunk and speeding, and was therefore at fault (not the media behavior of following), and that the paparazzi were only carrying cameras, "not guns," whilst giving chase. Goodale's essay is not responsive to Martin's, but to what he saw as misplaced anger on the part of George Clooney and other celebs over the tragic death of the Princess. Again, this forum was meant to address New York common law, not foreign or Constitutional issues, and France and Britain have completely different laws than New York and different Constitutions, so Goodale's argument is misplaced anyway.
3) Tortious behavior is not criminal behavior, it is the opposite. Torts are civil violations, so Galella's "tortious" behavior only means that he civilly violated Onassis's rights by his actions. This means that criminal laws could not and did not apply in the Galella case.
4) As a federal court ruling, Galella is precedential nationwide, while New York's Roberson case, as cited in the Martin/Goodale piece, is not (though cases from NY, CA, and FL, in particular, carry more influential weight than other states' rulings). In fact, the Roberson case was reversed many years later, as Martin describes, but it doesn't apply here, anyway, because the salient ruling deals with publication of unlicensed images, not with the taking of the images to begin with (or the behavior used to gain the image).
So, in the end, I think Galella remains an important precedent regarding privacy rights for celebrities. It does appear that New York, as of 1997, was uninclined to extend the rights of privacy suggested by the Second Restatement of Torts (and accepted by the Federal courts as well as every other state). But that doesn't make New York a good example, in my mind.
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